Anarchist News

The Hotwire #32: August 15, 2018

From CrimethInc.

Summer in Review—Antifascists in Charlottesville & DC—2018 Prison Strike

Listen to the Episode



Our first episode of the new season! This week, we look back at the long, hot summer and give an update on antifascist clashes, pipeline resistance, and ICE occupations. Hundreds gathered in Charlottesville on the anniversary of the defeat of Unite the Right, drawing attention to the increasing cozy relationship between white supremacists and the police.

We interview someone from Washington, DC about opposition to the Unite the Right 2 Rally held there this past weekend. Accused ELF and ALF member, Josephy Dibee was extradited to the US from Cuba and is being held in jail in Oregon. There are updates on the nationwide prison strike set to start on August 21 and list a whole slew of solidarity events you could attend. Finally, we wrap up the show with political prisoner birthdays and next weeks news. We’re glad to be back! Send us news, events, or ideas on how our show can better serve anarchist activity in your town by emailing us at

Notes and Links


HELL YES I think We Should Dox Nazis! Is That A Serious Question?

From The Conjure House by Dr. Bones

“Maybe one day all the old guys will die off and things will change, ‘cuz it’s officially getting scary over here in America.”

—Hank Williams III

From the moment I started writing I decided that, as long as I had a voice, I would say exactly what I wanted to.

I’ve written about magic, which has pissed off secular radicals. I’ve written about Egoism, which pissed off the Leftists. The largest publisher of Egoist material in turn hates my guts because I don’t think Egoists should waste their time hanging out by themselves and, weirdly enough, should be involved with others in the struggle for liberation.

I’ve also written about violence, my most recent piece going into tactical detail about some of the methods the Taliban has used to confront and defeat the United States military. I‘ve made the case that violent, or at least armed upheaval, is the only thing that puts enough fear into the Powers That Be to effectively get them to back down. I’ve advocated forming bases, getting involved with the community, and above all destroying those that would seek to harm us.

Doxxing Nazis, and other fascists, is absolutely one of the methods available to harm those that harm us. I support this tactic not only because I support whatever avenues for self-defense the people can muster, but also from a purely tactical standpoint it works.

Just How Many Tears Are Shed

By Some Little Word of Anger?

Doxxing has been in vogue on the Right for a long time, and nobody was quite as good as 4chan. 4chan, filled with lonely masturbating men calling each other cucks, had nothing but time on its hands.

Well, that and their dicks.

Channers would often spend all day online, and in doing so we’re able to pull of some astounding feats of intelligence gathering.

Consider Shia Lebouf’s “He Will Not Divide Us” Campaign, where 4channers wanted to remove a flag at an unknown location:

“…viewers used triangulation techniques based on planes seen in the stream to determine the general area. A local then began honking their horn repeatedly while driving in the area, which were picked up by the webcam’s microphone to further narrow the location. Finally, using star maps, 4chan users were able to identify the exact location of the flag on Google Maps…

On August 13th, 2017, the stream was relaunched, featuring the flag placed against a white wall at an unknown location. That day, several threads about the livestream were created on 4chan’s /pol/ board, where many users began speculating that the flag was at the Serpentine Gallery in London, England based on an unverified direct message screenshot with Luke Turner.

That day, YouTuber H Drone uploaded a video titled ‘HWNDU Flag: London,’ chronicling how the flag was purportedly discovered at a different location in England by shining a blue light through a window and tracking reflections based on the movement of the sun throughout the day. The video has since been removed. Meanwhile, an image began circulating claiming that a blue light directed through the window of the house was visible on the wall during the livestream…”

This network is just one among many. One nazi in particular, going by the alias Jack “Pale Horse” Corbin, has been especially prolific in doxxing Anti-Racists and Anti-Fascists.

The leaking of this information is usually twofold in purpose: on one hand the hope is that some lone wolf will attack the person, or at least vandalize their property; to force the person’s political alignment into the public spotlight and, in result, create economic and safety issues for said person.

It’s not enough to be painted as Antifa. Most Far Right doxxers will aid false details, claiming the antifascists abuse children or are addicted to drugs. They may print out posters and put it around the person’s workplace in the hopes they get fired. They may call the police and hope the person gets investigated, or possibly even shot.

I know people, personally, who have had the last two happen. And there are plenty of others who have felt the anxiety and fear of having every digital footprint put out in the hopes it results in violence

For now I’ve been lucky, though that’s not to say folks haven’t tried.

The admin of the meme page Everything Is Pretty Bad has gone as far as to try to come up with a fake name to pressure me into revealing my own. He’s also attempted to hound and blackmail people sharing my articles to give up my personal facebook profile.

Hell they’ve even made attempts to derail any bit of organizing or reporting I got into, simply because they don’t like me, regardless of how it might affect people. Here’s his former co-admin from “Misanthropic Egoism:”

So I want to be clear: I know people who have been doxxed, there have been attempts to doxx me. This is a tactic that has harmed people I know and care for.

And I still think it’s an important tool for us to use.

Your Evil Heart Will Be Your Ruin

“‘I’m unplugged from politics,’ Parrott said. ‘I’m done. I’m out. I don’t want to be in The Washington Post anymore. I don’t care to have this humiliating and terrifying ordeal be more public than it already is. . . . There is no more Trad Worker.”

Former member of the Traditionalist Worker’s Party

There is absolutely no question that doxxing nazis, racists, and other foul human slime gets results that other organizing simply doesn’t. There is a reason the Klan wears hoods: vile deeds need darkness to be done. To be well-known is to destroy the ability to work in secret.

The Traditionalist Worker’s Party was one such far-right group absolutely devastated by the release of personal information and addresses. Since the first Unite The Right the entire Alt-Right has been hounded wherever they’re faces could be identified, effectively destroying their ability to organize.

A writer at the alt-right website Right Realist admitted as much in a piece called Why I was Wrong about the Alt-Right:

“Our enemies have seen the opportunity they needed to crush us without looking like the authoritarian monsters they are to the public at large. Nobody in the public is going to step up to defend ‘KKK, Nazi, white supremacists.’”

The Alt-Right depends on a public face and a private face. When those true feelings were exposed they lost all credibility and quickly found themselves the local pariah. Jack “Pale Horse” Corbin has been identified, down to his physical address. Prominent Neo-Nazis on twitter have dropped out of the movement when they merely been threatened with exposure.

Neo-Nazi Andrew Anglin agrees things aren’t looking good. The same asshole who gleefully directed Daily Stormer readers to hang nooses and intimidate a female black student is running scared. He has gone into hiding, and just recently made it clear doxxing by antifascists will “ruin the lives” of anyone treading in the same loathsome, piss-filled ideological pool he himself inhabits:

That’s called results. That’s called victory. A year ago the Charlottesville rally drew hundreds of open neo-nazis, one who felt so emboldened he fucking killed someone. This year it drew twenty. They admit it’s because they don’t feel safe.

They aren’t afraid of being assaulted or thrown in jail. They are afraid of being exposed. By doxxing.

And isn’t that what we want?

Take These Chains From My Heart


Set Me Free

Gods and Radicals is a collective, and writers are free to write whatever they wish. We have many diverse opinions and lord knows I’ve given plenty of headaches to the more…pacifistic of my fellow authors. Some have called for me to be fired. Just recently I had a fellow writer call me on the phone, telling me my most recent piece published there made them so uncomfortable they were worried about me.

So it goes.

Folks have written plenty I don’t agree with on Gods and Radicals. We are far, far from some monolithic force.

So let me be crystal clear: anyone who thinks doxxing isn’t working, who thinks this is a tactic the Left should surrender, is living in some alternate world I don’t understand.

The Far-Right isn’t going to stop doxxing us because we put on the kid gloves. You don’t win battles by backing away when your enemy beings to falter and weaken. The cops don’t care who these people are. They hire them!

“In the 2006 bulletin, the FBI detailed the threat of white nationalists and skinheads infiltrating police in order to disrupt investigations against fellow members and recruit other supremacists. The bulletin was released during a period of scandal for many law enforcement agencies throughout the country, including a neo-Nazi gang formed by members of the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department who harassed black and Latino communities. Similar investigations revealed officers and entire agencies with hate group ties in IllinoisOhio and Texas.”

So who exactly is going to bring fascists and their ilk to task if the police, and the courts that are ALWAYS friendly to them, refuse to act?

The goddamn Democrats?

“In a surprise appearance on SNL’s ‘Weekend Update: Summer Edition’ Thursday night, Fey urged Americans not to get into screaming matches with neo-Nazis. Instead, she said, ‘order a cake with the American flag on it … and just eat it.’”

It is often ONLY the tireless work of unnamed antifascists who expose and bring consequences to the monsters among us that brings tangible results.

Remember: the leaked conversations, the interviews, fascists are admitting that doxxing is destroying them. And it isn’t because we’re lying about them. The minute their actual beliefs are exposed, who they really are, the people usually find them repulsive.

Seriously, it’d be one thing if we’re having a conversation about Leftists attacking one another, or even people being misidentified. Fash-jacketing is a real thing, and the mob-mentality so often prevalent in the digital world can ruin people’s lives. We can even talk about the very problematic cheering of tech giants as they remove alt-righters—and then move on to leftist platforms like Telesur. Or how Facebook now requires leftists to register with extremely personal information to run ads in an effort to combat “fake news.”

Hell, I’ll even say we could talk about how some of the working people who voted for Trump are simply ignorant, and need to be reached out to.


But as for the out-and-out people talking about wiping out every face darker than a jar of mayonnaise?

Who gives a fuck?

Andrew Anglin could have his head removed with a chainsaw, moving from his groin towards his neck, finally culminating in total separation…and I wouldn’t care.

David Duke could be attacked by a pack of rabid dogs and spend the next four hours being slowly torn to pieces…and I wouldn’t shed a tear.

Jason Kessler could be on fire and I wouldn’t PISS on him to put him out. My laughter would mix with his shrill cries for water as his once solid frame melted into a pool of charred bone and liquid fat.

I’d sleep like a goddamn baby.

Let them suffer. Let them be afraid. These people want to kill us. If they had the chance, they would. They admit this and harass us at every opportunity with networks far outstripping our own. Why should we feel bad or even consider their feelings? Why is a tactic so clearly effective something we can’t use?

This isn’t some grand web of karma where the most advanced, peaceful people win by default. This is a rough, ruthless planet where baby animals get ripped open everyday, where innocent children get blown up and turned into smoldering goo.

Doxxing stops actual, real world violence before it starts because the enemy is afraid. Keep him afraid and he becomes paralyzed. Unable to act. Isn’t that what we want?

Are we combating fascism or are we in a conversation with it? If you find a moral issue with doxxing I’d love to hear what forms of combat you’d prefer instead.

And if you say voting I swear to god I will take off my pants and shit in your shoes.

Nobody else is going to stop these people. It is up to us. Doxxing works, doxxing will continue to work, and in an open war regarding personal information…we’d only be hurting ourselves by giving up our strongest weapon.

About Dr. Bones

Dr. Bones is a conjurer, card-reader and egoist-communist who believes “true individuality can only flourish when the means of existence are shared by all.” A Florida native and Hoodoo practitioner, he summons pure vitriol, straight narrative, and sorcerous wisdom into a potent blend of poltergasmic politics and gonzo journalism. He lives with his loving wife, a herd of cats, and a house full of spirits.
He can be reached at and


Perspectives on the August 12 Anti-Fascist Mobilization

From CrimethInc.

Two Interviews with Organizers

On August 12, Charlottesville fascist Jason Kessler attempted to hold the sequel to last year’s “Unite the Right” rally in Washington, DC. It did not go well for him. In the end, 2000 police struggled to protect two dozen fascists from thousands of anti-fascists and other foes of tyranny. To get some perspective on these events, we spoke with David Thurston—arts director for No Justice No Pride, a member of the steering committee of the DMV’s Movement for Black Lives, and a core organizer with Resist This—and also with an anonymous anarchist involved in organizing the anti-fascist bloc, among other aspects of the mobilization. The interview follows our comments below.

The US government spent $2.6 million to force the fascist rally upon the people of Washington, DC. Let’s do the math: that’s over $100,000 per fascist for a rally that lasted at hour at most. Would the US spend anything like that to protect a rally organized by any other sector of the population? On the contrary, when anarchists and other advocates of liberation organize public events, the government usually invests millions of dollars in repressing us, even illegally. This shows what a farce the “free speech” defense of fascist recruiting drives is—this is not an abstract question of rights, but a concrete matter of the US government asymmetrically investing resources in promoting the spread of fascism.

To put a number on it, then, the kind of “free speech” that enabled Kessler and his like to recruit someone to murder Heather Heyer is worth $100,000 per hour per fascist to the US government. That’s your tax dollars at work.

We were especially inspired by the fierceness with which the black population of DC turned out to face down the police and fascists on August 12. We have some questions about whether it makes sense for anarchists to act separately in a distinct anti-fascist contingent when other sectors of the population are mobilizing so courageously and assertively. It might be more effective for some anarchists to seek to connect with other rebels on the street, in order to bring about an interchange of tactics and ideas. Hopefully, this is already taking place.

We’ve seen some alarmist commentary on the clashes—for example, from the person who posted the following video. Permit us to repeat that the US government is forcibly extorting money from its population to fund the violent imposition of fascist rallies on communities that only stand to suffer from the expansion of white supremacist activity. In this context, it should be no surprise that people defend themselves from police violence.

One more topic bears mention: a few reactionary media outlets have taken this opportunity to accuse anti-fascists of being “violent” towards journalists for discouraging them from filming. This is the same thing they did last year two weeks after the violence in Charlottesville, when the editors of various corporate media publications attempted to create a false equivalency between fascists recruiting to carry out murder and genocide and anti-fascists mobilizing in self-defense.

In a time when fascists go through video footage identifying anti-fascists in order to intimidate and terrorize them and far-right Republican Congressmen are attempting to aid and abet them via new legislation, it should not come as a surprise to anyone that anti-fascists discourage people from filming them without permission. If these journalists are really concerned about this issue, they should prioritize helping to create a world in which no one needs to fear being documented, identified, and attacked by fascists or police just for attempting to defend their communities. Instead, several journalists have prioritized assisting fascists like Kessler in getting his message out.

For one perspective on the history of anti-fascism in DC, read this. Read on for the interviews.

Two Organizers on the August 12 Mobilization

What were your goals going into August 12? What did you think a best case scenario would be for the day?

David Thurston: For the past month, I’ve been working as the arts organizer for the mobilization. My first job was to make sure the rally in Freedom Plaza and the three direct action contingents got the brilliant, vibrant, colorful, and radical banners that the 411 Collective crafted. I also co-emceed the rally with Aiyi’anah Ford of the Future Foundation—we met through the organizing around the National Equality March in 2009. I wanted to see the Nazis vastly outnumbered and I wanted to see DC and DMV activists organize around a synergy and diversity of tactics—allowing us to welcome people into the movement who may never have heard of anarchist theory, but who over time could be introduced to our praxis of non-hierarchical, anti-sectarian, and revolutionary politics.

Another anarchist organizer: I wanted to make Nazis too afraid to come to DC. I also wanted to block their march. The former did not happen due to some last minute infighting, but the latter did happen.

Overall, I would say the action was an overwhelming success. Anarchists provided a great deal of labor in every aspect of the mobilization.

What did the anti-fascist demonstrators do well? What could have gone better?

David Thurston: We succeeded in overwhelmingly outnumbering our opposition, marginalizing their toxic politics, and putting forward an organizing model that can be advanced upon in the future. There were a number of internal challenges and conflicts that took shape in the lead-up to A12, but for the most part, the various components of our effort worked from a space of deep-rooted solidarity.

Another anarchist organizer: We overwhelmed neo-Nazis numerically, but because of some tactical and intelligence failures, we did not get the chance to actually confront them. But when you have thousands of people mobilizing and holding space, do you really need to escalate when the fascists are already too afraid to come out? The fact that the black bloc did not escalate when there was no reason to do so enabled us to hold space, stay disciplined until the end, and demonstrate an ability to show restraint when necessary in order to accomplish our goals of the movement.

On January 20, hundreds of people were mass-arrested during Trump’s inauguration and indiscriminately charged with eight or more felonies apiece. How did the legacy of the J20 case influence planning ahead of August 12? How do you think it influenced those who did not participate in the planning, but came to participate?

David Thurston: The fact that there were absolutely no convictions for J20 defendants was probably a big factor explaining why our city’s multitude of police forces were relatively restrained. My inkling is that someone above or in the orbit of Chief Newsham realized that it was not in the city’s interests for local police to play the role of being the extreme right’s de-facto storm troopers. That said, the massive deployment of state power was obscene. My guess is that a few million dollars of city money probably went into massive police overtime.

There may have been some folks who were afraid to come out, but my opinion is that that was probably because of what the neo-Nazis represent, and not because of anything that went down with J20.

Another anarchist organizer: We thought long and hard about how to avoid isolating ourselves from other social movements and argued against others trying to marginalize radicals. Considering that our movement had set up the tech support, website, security, trainings, and other essential aspects of the mobilization, it was impossible to isolate us on the sidelines where we would be easy targets for police violence.

Did it make sense to call for a distinct anti-fascist bloc, when so many people turned out to oppose the fascist rally with their own ways of being militant? Why or why not?

David Thurston: I think it was great to have an anti-fascist bloc that could plan direct action based on the worst-case scenario of a sizable far right turn-out. It was also good to have a space where the lessons of prior direct actions, especially J20, could be debated in depth.

In practice, there was a lot of synergy between the direct action contingents and the two permitted rallies, even though the permitted rallies gave voice to ideas more in line with traditional left liberal thinking.

Another anarchist organizer: I think the strategy of the bloc that day was to be able to

  1. defend our communities
  2. show a specifically radical presence that day.

A year after the Charlottesville “Unite the Right” rally, what do the events in DC tell us about the current political situation in the US?

David Thurston: I think last weekend’s events make it clear that the far right is in political, ideological, organizational, and interpersonal disarray. After the debacle of Jason Kessler’s pitiful mobilization, he went on a twitter rant attacking the rest of the self-proclaimed alt-right, calling them cowards for not mobilizing, and describing them as would-be Nazis living in their parents’ basements. While trying to get a permit in Charlottesville, Kessler managed to dox his own followers by turning over encrypted Signal threads, emails, and more to the state.

But we can’t rest on our success last weekend. While joining a proto-fascist organization remains a marginal idea for the millions of white people who voted for Trump in 2016, specific neo-Nazi proposals and talking points—especially around immigration, border security, and global imperialist hubris—remain appealing to wide swaths of low-income, working-class, and lower-middle-class white folk in our nation.

The radical left has immense potential to grow if we can shed the baggage of years of being fairly marginal to political debate. Anarchists need to organize creatively, finding space to work in alliance with left-leaning liberals, but also with socialist groupings with whom we have significant differences.

Another anarchist organizer: I think the rally on August 12 shows that militant anti-fascism works. A year ago, there were 500 fascists marching in the streets of Charlottesville. This year, less than 25 showed up because they were afraid. At least on the East Coast, anti-fascism has made sure the far right is demobilized.

So we’ve pushed back on-the-ground white nationalists… but as a movement, how do we use that strategy to disrupt other forms of organized white supremacy? How do we scale that strategy up to take on local right-wing lobbyists, local Republicans, police union officials, the Chamber of Commerce, DHS, and ICE officials?

The fascistic turn of the United States has been a 30-year process, and there are local people with local power who are marching us there. We need to figure out how to demobilize them.

Trump did not come to power because of the “alt right”—the alt right was able to use Trump to enter mainstream politics. Now our social movements need to identify the social leaders who pushed our local communities to the right and destabilize their political power.

The chief takeaway from this weekend is that even if we did not push the limits of the struggle, we did push a mobilization that was specifically anti-fascist. Anarchists and anti-fascists wrote the original call to action for the mobilization, provided experience, and pushed a strategy that allowed for numerous communities to come out and confront fascism.

The most challenging dynamic we had to navigate was engaging with liberals who wanted the day to look like “Boston” [the massive anti-fascist mobilization that took place there in response to a fascist rally a week after “Unite the Right” in Charlottesville] but did not emotionally prepare for the real possibility that the fascists could have mobilized hundreds.

Do you have any particularly instructive anecdotes to share from August 12?

David Thurston: My favorite moment was when the permitted march from Freedom Plaza entered the periphery of the “Rise Up Fight Back” contingent anchored by Black Lives Matter DC. They organized a block party near Lafayette to celebrate black joy and resistance, making the point that no neo-Nazi mobilization was going to intimidate them or cast a pall on the vision of black liberation that this movement was articulating.

On a personal note, I encountered a brother named Amir who introduced himself to me at the rally. I didn’t recognize him, but Amir told me that he was one of three young black men who tried to mug me near my neighborhood in DC. Amir apologized for his actions. I was so moved and thanked him, letting him know that I wish him the best, and never wanted anyone to go to jail for something as petty as trying to take $10 from me. To see him in the struggle for a radically different future on A12 made an impact on my psyche that I have a hard time adequately explaining.

We are living through perilous times. If we organize creatively and synergistically, radicals can lay the foundation for movements that could, within a decade or so, lead to revolutionary transformation in our country and around the world. But if we fail, the threat of global political, economic, and ecological cataclysm is immense. I have friends working hard to elect left-liberal to social democratic candidates for public office, and friends whose focus is on direct action and community based organizing. We need to build a radical tent broad enough for all of the above if the revolutionary potential of this moment is to be realized.


Curing the Disease of Control with Taoism and Crypto-Anarchy


Many people lust for control. They need to control objects, animals, and people. This need for domination leads some to use violence to sate their urges. Their blind obedience to control unlocks a pathology that destroys their thinking faculties. It turns them into animals, driven by a fetish for control. In some ways, this need to manage their surroundings can be seen as a disease.

Wisdom of Taoism and Failings of Confucianism

Curing the Disease of Control with Taoism and Crypto-Anarchy

This sickness has led to the rise of laws, monarchs, government, and the bloodied reign of the nation-state. These institutions leverage control as mass coercion and violence, and even enshrine control as a social necessity. Luckily, there is a counterbalance. There is a cure for the disease of control. It is the anarchist sentiment. Anarchists can heal humanity and transform society.

Anarchists disavow control. They yearn for an absence of domination via absence of government. They acknowledge control is an illusion. There is no way a person or group of people can control another human being. Attempting to control anything leads to suffering, strife, and chaos. Whenever people thirst for control, they become tyrants. The anarchist, however, realizes things are best left in peace. Anarchists adopted this philosophy from the ancient Taoists.

The Taoists believed attempting to control their surroundings only causes backlash. They believed in the principle of Wu Wei,  or “non-action.” This principle suggests trying to undermine the natural order does not achieve happiness. Taoists, then, focused on practicing peace of mind and compassion. They reveled in the purity and ecstasy of nature. The Taoists believed in staying in tune with nature.

Control, in their view, was not the way. It is antithetical to the ebb and flow of the universe. The sage creator of Taoism, Lao Tzu, hinted at this when he said: “Life is a series of natural and spontaneous changes. Don’t resist them – that only creates sorrow. Let reality be reality. Let things flow naturally forward in whatever way they like.”

The Authority of Confucianism

However, Taoists believed resisting nature implies control. Taoism thus arose as a reaction to Confucianism. The Confucianists believed in control. They believed in the idea of authority. They adhered to the notion that the family’s father was the ruler. Therefore, the Confucianists ingrained familial piety into the heart of society. There was no room for equality in the family. The father was the divine leader. An online article clarified this position:

“The central focus by which Confucian standards of ethics are measured: family. Family was the foundation of moral society in Confucianism. Every member of a family had a proper relationship with the others, defined by age, sex and birth order. A minor owed the elders respect, but could also expect protection, and so, everyone was part of this system.”

Of course, this “respect for elders” often got translated as domination by elders. This hierarchical organization in the family was also mirrored in society. The Confucianists ported their authoritarianism over to the metaphysical realm and into the social ecosystem. In matters of religion, God was the father. In matters of government, king was father. Thus all power flowed from these hierarchies. And until now, the Confucianist effort triumphed over Taoism.

Curing the Disease of Control with Taoism and Crypto-Anarchy

Crypto-Taoism as the Cure for Control

For the most of history, iterations of Confucianism have dominated society-at-large. Sometimes it was called divine right of kings. Sometimes it was called democracy. Other times it was called fascism. Each of these systems have been brewed inside the cauldron of violence-backed hierarchy, where piety to a controlling ruler takes precedence. Only recently has the anarchic spirit of Taoism reemerged to overturn this age old hogwash.

Today, computer developers, techno-alchemists, and anarcho-entrepreneurs have been building tools that undermine control structures. These techno-Taoists are crypto-anarchists. They wield information technology to loosen control, and provide individuals with freedom from coercion. The Crypto-Taoists and anarchists have created three tools that have began to unfetter humanity and disrupt the Confucian control-class.


First is the internet. Ironically, the internet was partially crafted by coercive influences within the American government. This demonstrates the tendency for Taoist spontaneity to erupt within the context of control. The internet still represents a counterbalance. It is a techno-dialogical hymn to freedom. The internet is a packet-sharing protocol that gave birth to the digital realm, freeing the flow and transmission of information. Before the internet emerged, governments controlled social narratives and beamed media indoctrination down on the unwitting masses.

With the rise of packet sharing information, people were also freed to provide dissenting information from the comfort of their own home. This was a essentially a Taoist technology. It possessed all the hallmarks of naturalistic and spontaneous order. Now counter-cultural revolutionaries, Arab Spring demonstrators, and voluntaryist hippies have counteracted the machinations of government with their own voice, shot down the rabbit hole of society with the laser-guided precision of the internet.


The second is Cryptocurrency. The first one was bitcoin, which was created by an anonymous figure named Satoshi Nakamoto. It is a peer-2-peer decentralized money technology, which uses proof-of-work mining to lessen the influence of central planners. It works by leveraging a network of nodes that make it resilient against sabotage. The network of currency does not possess a central point of failure.

Overall,  cryptocurrency is Taoist in nature. It seeks to be impervious to control measures. It operates on the wavelength of nature, defying most efforts to control it. That said, cryptocurrency may be imperfect on a technical level, but it still destabilizes controlling influences across the world. In this sense, cryptocurrency is the first manifestation of the Crypto-Taoist will. It is money without control or censorship if used wisely. It is money anyone can use, and it provides the impetus for a new kind of Taoist revolution that subverts control of value and decentralizes it once and for all.

Printable Guns

Finally, there are printable guns. This is one of the newest iterations of Taoist anti-control measures. It is Wu-Wei and Kung fu combined into one powerful invention. As a result of the information revolution and decentralized technology era, 3D printable guns have come bursting out of the anarchists closet, largely thanks to Cody Wilson. He is the CEO of the company Defense Distributed, and he has printed the first widely available, single-shot printable handgun without a serial number. He calls it “the Liberator.”

Anyone can find plans for The Liberator online and print it if they have all the materials and equipment. This greatly unnerves the Confucian control class, because it means anyone can print a gun regardless of regulations and controls. This idea is anathema to everything sacred to their coercive regimes. Furthermore, there are a myriad of plans for all kinds of guns, including assault rifles and military grade weaponry. The advent of printable guns may forever alter the balance of power, threatening to dethrone the Confucian elite from power.

Curing the Disease of Control with Taoism and Crypto-Anarchy

The Taoist Renaissance

All of these crypto-anarchist technologies represent a return to Taoism. They represent a paradigm shift away from the methods of Confucius to the ways of Lao Tzu. This means society will be humbled through loss of control. It implies becoming one with nature and recognizing the urge to control is a disease that requires a counterbalance.

Furthermore, attempting to control anything inevitably creates violent people and leads to the formation of totalitarian governments. This is why the flow of nature leads toward balance and harmony. This is why artificial barriers erode with time, and the principle of control gets overturned and turned to ash.

Let go of the lust for control. Embrace change; be enraptured by the ebb and flow of technological Taoism. It has returned, and the control mentality is being heavily disrupted. This trend will continue as more anarchic tools emerge to guarantee a freer future for humanity. Be here now! The Taoist renaissance is at hand.

Do you think the spirit of Taoism is returning? What does the future of freedom look like? Let us know in the comments section below.

Images courtesy of Shutterstock

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Sterlin Lujan is a journalist, editor, speaker, anarchist, and essayist.
He has been involved with cryptocurrency and Bitcoin since 2012. Sterlin is especially interested in the intersection of psychology and cryptography. He has written on behavioral economics in regards to innovative technology, and was one of the first to write about the emerging field of cryptopsychology on

Towards an International Meeting in Kurdistan


In front of the expansion of the Middle-East War and the new Iran-Iraq revolutionary waves:


In the last decades, the capitalist society as a whole is splitting up more and more into two great hostile armies directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat. Our epoch, the epoch of the deepening of the global industrial and commercial crisis and thereby increasing class struggle around the world has already passed various stages of development, through which the proletariat has exceeded its first stage of the isolated and sporadic phenomena. The growth of the class war will more and more take on an increasingly international form. And despite of the capitalist war in the Middle East, and new attempts by global capitalism to widen the circle of the war under the pretext of striking Iran’s nuclear weapons, proletariat in Iran has joined-up the current international wave of class struggle. The strikes and demonstrations in Iran have spread to over 249 cities in all of Iran’s 31 provinces. These revolutionary waves did not set an end in Iran, before the proletariat in Iraq entered this historical wrestling ring.

​In July 2018, a new wave of the class struggle in Iraq, with 30 victims killed and 700 injured during the past 10 days, more than 50 police and security men were wounded – proletariat in Iraq too started moving towards the universal scene of the class struggle. During the same week, demonstrations erupted in all towns and cities in central and south Iraq, where dozens of demonstrators were wounded, and hundreds arrested. Demonstrators had attacked a courthouse, governorate headquarters, headquarter of Iraqi Hezbollah in Najaf, setting their office on fire and causing air traffic to be suspended. Demonstrators in Najaf occupied the international airport and set fire to the municipality buildings. The government cut off the Internet and blocked social media and has issued a nationwide order security forces on high alert aiming to stem the revolutionary movement. On the contrary, the city of Baghdad joined-up the movement. Finally, the movement showed its development in repeatedly attempts for establishment of the committees in Bagdad which is an attempt to coordinate the demonstrations all over the country.

All these events are evidence of the increasing of the proletariat, not only in number, but in concentration in greater masses. This is an evidence that the movement has an inner ability to self-organizing and self-arming of the proletariat. And while demonstrators everywhere in Iraq shouted: “Hunger Revolution”, and confirmed what a UN agency has confirmed in April 2017 when he said that more than half of Iraqi families are at risk of going hungry because of the ISIS war, although in the eyes of different schools of bourgeois socialism and communism, these events are nothing more than conflicts between Islam and Democracy, Shia and Sunni, Arabs and Kurds. They therefore search after a new political doctrine, a philosophy or a science to create conditions for the movement and thereby for the society they imagine. They, hand in hand with the different categories of bourgeois, endeavor consistently, to push the proletarian movement back and to reconcile between social classes by transforming the religious form of the state into a truly secular state, along with the protection of freedom and establishment of a secular state in Iraq and Iran and an independent democratic state for Kurdish people in which political power is authorized and controlled by the people through their elected political parties, and by this way turn the class antagonism into national conflicts and conflicts between democracy and fascism or between secularism and religion, since the task of the socialists and communists is to dismiss anything in their literature that alleviates the conflict between the social classes. These different schools of leftism see nothing more than contradiction between the political state and the civil society, between the state and human rights of its citizenship, even though such a society that is free of class antagonism only exists in imagination. Social antagonism reflects the existence of two social antagonistic classes: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat. In this antagonism, the bourgeois represents the conservative side everywhere and the proletariat represents the destructive side in society. Thus, the spontaneous movement and the gradual organization of the proletariat anywhere in the world is nothing more than identification of the similar class structure of different countries that creates an international base for proletarian’s common actions.

From this point of view, militants in Kurdistan, suggest an international meeting in our region. We, in honors of the constant progress of the proletariat movement, invite all international socialists, communists, anarchists that are willing to develop a relationship between revolutionary individuals and groups. This progression is a real base for common international activates and such meetings may be a base for a great international conference in the nearest future. The aim of this meeting is to firstly set up an international committee for the exchange of information upon matters of interest to the proletarians of all countries and discuss practical tasks related to class struggle, organize periodic meetings, set up a common website, collect financial aid to achieve specific tasks, etc. The meeting may at least break the isolation between the internationalists and will be an expression of the common interests of the world’s proletariat. It may find a center for these common tasks and do a common program for all internationalist groups. It will at least be an international common answer to the capitalist alliance which exorcises the specter of the social revolution. The only answer to this capitalist alliance, especially for expanding the war is the proletarian’s revolutionary war. The continued capitalist militarization, which is the biggest fundamental fact of our epoch, results undoubtedly with the arming of the proletariat. This phenomena, the phenomena of the proletarian arming, which has been a reality in Iraq/Kurdistan, even though it is so far at the beginning, is based on the whole development of the capitalist militarism in our epoch. That is the fulfillment of the historical materialist condition of the proletarian revolution.

Militants in Kurdistan, Iraq
24, July 2018


Anarchy Radio 08-14-2018


Kathan co-hosts. AR listeners swamp free Fifth Estate offer! Neo-Nazi rally in DC: miniscule. Fires and civilization, mass shootings spread. From the Pleistocene to the Plasticene but social media corporations slide. Anarchy in Portland OR. Accelerationism? Resistance briefs, five calls.


[invitation] Anarchist Book Fair of Lisbon on October 26, 27 and 28

From Contra Info

Given that climate change is brought us the colder summer of the last thirty years, given our constant and organic demand to ignite with passion and of warming ourselves with the rebelliousness of our daily struggles, we will light our flame this fall! And so returns the Anarchist Book Fair of Lisbon, on 26, 27 and 28 October, and again in the beautiful woods of Penha de França.

If you want participate with your publisher / distributor / information space or simply to come spread some words of subversion printed on paper, write us to

See you later!

in Portuguese


Running Down the Walls, 2018 Report Back

via Philadelphia anarchist black cross – see more photos from the event after the link

Photos: Courtesy of Joe Piette and others.

On August 5, 2018, around 90 people ran, jogged or walked 5K to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the incarceration of the Move 9. The route chosen for this event started in Fairmount Park and went past the zoo that members of the Move organization protested in 1973 and 1974 in support of animal rights. The route continued down 33rd street to the intersection of 33rd and Pearl, where the former Move headquarters was before it was bulldozed by the city within 24 hours of the arrest of the Move 9.

Photographs of the Move 9, flowers, and candles as well as a board to write messages was available for supporters to stop and pay their respects at the halfway point. People passing by who knew members of the Move 9 also stopped to pay their respects.

While the national Running Down the Walls event was held in June this year, the Philadelphia event was set in August in order to coincide with the Move 40th anniversary. For this reason, all of the incarcerated people who ran on August 5th are in Pennsylvania or surrounding regions. Many runners on the outside ran with signs displaying the names of either recipients of the Warchest or other US held political prisoners. Including both runners on the inside and outside, the event totaled around 90 participants.

Yoga began promptly at 9:30 am “to warm up our breath, mind and bodies” as yoga instructor Sheena Sood put it. The group then took off in three sections: walkers followed by joggers and finally by runners. This enabled a lot of interaction along the route as people encountered each other frequently. The route was shady to set of the warmth of the day, and refreshments were provided by Solidarity Food Not Bombs.

Together we raised almost $2000 that will be split between Move 9 legal defense and the ABCF Warchest. To close, we squeezed together for a group photo chanting “Free the Move 9, Free All Political Prisoners!”


Review: The Anarchists in Paris, May-June 1968

via Freedom News

This handy little pamphlet appears in the 50th anniversary year of the events of May-June 1968 that shook France and the world. Importantly, it’s written by an eye-witness and participant in the events, the anonymous Le Flûtiste (Flute Player).

by Flûtiste Le
PP: 24
Kate Sharpley Library
Review by ACG

First of all, on the outbreak of the fighting in Paris, between 300-400 anarchists were attending the gala of the Federation Anarchiste that evening in central Paris on May 10th. Members of other groups were present on that evening, including the Union of Anarchist Communist Groups, the Anarcho-Syndicalist Union and the anarcho-syndicalist union the CNT.These were on hand to reinforce the barricades that were set up that evening in the Latin Quarter, a culmination of weeks of unrest in the universities. To his credit Dany Cohn-Bendit of the March 22nd student movement used his megaphone to call for the taking over of the area. The writer describes this then anarchist as “hard to stick” as a person(more on that later).

“Get this: what few leftwing or “leftist” students there were on hand tried to talk them of digging up the streets or building barricades and berated the barricade builders as “provocateurs”. They were promptly seen off…”

The writer describes the lightning spread of barricades through the neighbourhood.”The clashes were violent in the extreme; many young people refused to give ground (to the police) and like out-and-out kamikazes, threw themselves into the hand-to-hand fighting”. He also notes that “local residents, outraged by the sight of the police brutality, sided with the students, tossing down buckets of water to dampen the effects of tear gas grenades and taking demonstrators into their homes”.As a result of the fighting and the vicious brutality the trade unions and left wing organisations were forced into calling a demonstration for May 13th. Over the coming days strikes broke out spontaneously around France.

The leftists now attempted to hijack the movement, setting up literature stalls in the courtyard of Sorbonne university and token committees that they controlled.

The demonstration on May 13th brought out between 500,000 to one million people. The writer notes the “forest of red-and-black flags with a sprinkling of black flags”.


The anarchy of beauty: Annie Le Brun

via autonomies

There is no very evident use in beauty; the necessity of it for cultural purposes is not apparent, and yet civilization could not do without it. The science of aesthetics investigates the conditions in which things are regarded as beautiful; it can give no explanation of the nature or origin of beauty: as usual, its lack of results is concealed under a flood of resounding and meaningless words.

Sigmund Freud, Civilisation and its Discontents


Le silence des choses est celui d’une poudrière qui n’attend que sa mise à feu.

Annie Le Brun, De l’Éperdu


Seule la révolte est garante de la cohérence passionnelle que chacun est aujourd’hui sommé d’abandonner pour faire allégeance à ce monde de la servitude volontaire.

Annie Le Brun, Interview: Philosophie magazine (29/01/2009)


Annie Le Brun, poet and essayist, remains forever dissonant and dissident; an author and a person who refuses to accept and adapt to the violent reign of commodity fetishism, against which she hurls the rage and passion of gestures of poetry, dreams, desires, love and beauty.

We share below, almost as a long overdue tribute to her work, a recent text which serves as an introduction to her last essay, Ce qui n’a pas de prix. Beauté, laideur et politique.

What follows is a translation from the french language edition of Le monde diplomatique.

Beauty always on trial

(Le monde diplomatique august 2018 )

Contrary to rumor, the Trojan War, whose origin lies in an aesthetic choice, does not cease to take place. Because beauty, whose very idea would be more and more contestable, both intellectually and politically, remains at the center of all issues. But what is beauty? How is it apprehended?

Sigmund Freud admits to not being of great help when, in 1929, he states at the beginning of Civilisation and its Discontents: “Unfortunately, psycho-analysis … has less to say about beauty than about most things”, while specifying: “Its derivation from the realms of sexual sensation is all that seems certain; the love of beauty is a perfect example of a feeling with an inhibited aim.” This is something does not contradict the point of view of Salvador Dalí, four years later: “Beauty is only the sum of the consciousnesses of our perversions.”* (1) Thus, for Freud and Dalí, if beauty relates to our impulses, it is above all inseparable from the irreducible singularity of each person, by its power to reveal suddenly certain over shadowed parts of our existence.

Today, science confirms this when, questioning the “beauty in the brain”, the neuro-biologist Jean-Pierre Changeux speaks of “cerebral short circuit”, more exactly of a “kind of singular and powerful ignition”, which would refer to a ” particular global synthesis within the conscious neuronal space “. (2) Reality as well as metaphor, that is all that we knew without understanding it. Power of illumination, power of turmoil, power of burning, it is that, apart from all transcendence, that beauty would open onto the elsewhere, the other, in the heart of ourselves; it would show us what we do not know about ourselves, it would reveal the ever-changing form of the fire that inhabits us.

Henceforth, we can better understand the consistency with which the different powers have always striven to appropriate it, even to limit its effects, and even more to counterfeit it. At the same time, one wonders why almost everyone who wanted to change the world were so clearly frightened by the singularity manifest that they were not even able to see, without taking it into account, that they were losing their dream. It is equally remarkable that certain utopians or anarchists, such as Charles Fourier, William Morris, Élisée Reclus …, made the opposite wager, which allowed them to escape the pitfalls of instrumental reason. Without a doubt, for the reason put forward by Walter Benjamin: “Each epoch not only dreams the next but also, while dreaming, impels it towards the moment of its waking”. (3) Beauty, as dream, has this power of waking.

It is not that I confuse everything, utopia, beauty, dream; but I tie them together by the same force of breaking in and trespassing within the continuum of what is. And it is not by chance that Reclus finds himself thinking as early as 1866: “The question of knowing what in the work of man serves or contributes to degrading exterior nature may seem futile to so called positive spirits; it does not cease thereby to have a first order importance.” (4) And for Morris: “There is nothing in our environment that is not beautiful or ugly, that does not ennoble us or debase us.” (5) Both one and the other share the certainty that “a secret harmony establishes itself between the land and the peoples it sustains”, but that, “there where the ground has become ugly, there where all poetry has disappeared from the landscape, imaginations go out, spirits become impoverished, routine and servility take hold of souls and dispose them to torpor and death.” (6) Thus what binds ugliness, predation and servitude is established for the first time. Twenty years later, Morris will confirm it in turn. “Ugliness is not neutral; it acts upon man and deteriorates his sensitivity, to the point where he does not even feel the degradation, which prepares him to descend a step.” (7)

The problem however is that there is ugliness and ugliness, as there is beauty and beauty. And the issue is so important that there can be no question of stalling before their imbrication, something that haunts the 19th century and determines the gaze of the 20th century. Above all because, between the innumerable instances where beauty is put into question, there is Arthur Rimbaud declaring at the beginning of A Season in Hell (1873): “One night, I sat Beauty down on my lap.—And I found her bitter.—And I insulted her.” But also because at the end of this journey to the end of himself, he finds no less the following: “All that is over. Today, I know how to celebrate beauty.”

For a long time, I asked myself what was the meaning of this reversal, until I understood that, after having risked his equilibrium to go to the antipodes of this Beauty, Rimbaud suddenly saw that he is always another beauty, always astonishing. And this he discovered at the greatest distance away from what was established, in “idiot paintings”, “paintings of acrobats”, “popular illuminations”, “erotic books with incorrect orthography”, but also in the “felicity of animals” as in his own “follies”. And how can one not but remark that this de-centring is contemporaneous with what Rimbaud has just closely lived in the Paris Commune?

This beauty, which he now writes without a capital letter, he recognises as plural as well as singular, from the “deserts of love” to “the sky blue, that is of black”. “Je est un autre/I is another”, he then writes, opening to each the sovereignty of all of the kingdoms of singularity.

Again these horizons would have likely remained invisible to him if, at the same time, the savage accuracy of his clairvoyance had not allowed him to announce, a century and a half in advance, the “economic horrors”, the “vision of numbers” and the intolerable universe that results, exclusively occupied by itself. Never again did beauty appear so inseparable from the revolt that gave birth to it.

To such an extent that in the light of this polarity emerges a major aspect of the artistic adventure of the 20th century. It is this which strongly induces the passage from Dada to Surrealism, and it may even be the case that, in attacking the canons of beauty that domination had made its own, modernity will draw itself across a multiplicity of paths so as to reach back to the living sources of beauty, from savage peoples to the mad. Not to forget the different practices of automatism, where beauty sometimes rises up blindly, as it gives unexpected form to freedom.

It is again moreover in the light of the same polarity that the struggles of Reclus and Morris gain all of their significance, since for the latter, “the process that stripped us of all popular art, in killing the instinct of beauty, also deprived us of the only compensation possible, clearly erasing …, but by no means slowly, all beauty on the surface of the earth.” (8)

The misery is that we have arrived at a point where everything competes to eradicate even the souvenir of this “instinct of beauty”, of which there is no traditional culture that does not give striking testimony. It is for this reason, from Morris’ call of alarm, that I speak of war. Still, this war has taken a new turn. For to deny, without evidently interrupting anything, the catastrophic over-production of rubbish that characterises our societies, it was necessary to convince ourselves that there was no other possibility. Such that it is the colonisation of our sensory life that this war now targets, carried out against everything from which it is impossible to extract value, against that which has no price.

In this regard, the collusion of high finance, contemporary art and the fashion industries will have corresponded to the decisive stage of a commodification of everything, grounding itself on the supposed substitution of all sensitive life by aestheticisation. Of course, it is not an aesthetic matter, but one where we are made to participate in our own expropriation, so that we become accustomed to the present without presence, to a genetically modified reality, where nothing exists except that which has been polluted, manipulated or trafficked, and in an irreversible manner. Such is furthermore the common program that endeavours to sell to us the most obvious brands and the most tortured philosophers, by means of the concept “style of life”, recently become a value added to servitude. As an antidote, it is worth invoking, again, Morris or Reclus, with their equal reference to “free nature” and its infinite metamorphoses, to see the ugliness in what denies its very possibility, while beauty always appeared to them as a space of clearing, such as the “unrealised, but not impossible, dream”, of which the anarchist Joseph Déjacque spoke. (9)

If beauty cannot be defined, its power to suddenly broaden the horizon is recognised; proof that the end does not justify the means, but that these latter determine what follows. It is a similar change of perspective, in search of other ways of being, that for almost a decade sustain the occupation movements of the whole world. The violence of the repression that they arouse suggests the dream which they bear, reminding us that “there is assuredly another world, but it is in this one” (10), like the beauty that is and always remains.


* With the impossibility of consulting the original english language sources of Annie Le Brun’s references, we have let them unchanged from the original. We have also left out the first reference that appears in the original french text.

  1. Salvador Dali, “De la beauté terrifiante et comestible de l’architecture modern style”, Minotaure, nº 3-4, Paris, 1933.
  2. Jean-Pierre Changeux, La Beauté dans le cerveau, Odile Jacob, Paris, 2016.
  3. Walter Benjamin, Paris, capitale du XIX siècle, L’Herne, coll. “Carnets”, Paris, 2007 (1re éd.: 1989).
  4. Élisée Reclus, Du sentiment de la nature dans les sociétés modernes et autres textes, Premières Pierres, Saint-Maurice, 2002.
  5. William Morris, L’Art en ploutocratie, FB Éditions, 2015 (1re éd.: 1883)
  6. Élisée Reclus, op. cit.
  7. William Morris, L’Âge de l’ersatz et autres textes contre la civilisation moderne, Éditions de l’Encyclopédie des nuisances, Paris, 1996.
  8. William Morris, L’Art en ploutocratie, op. cit.
  9. Joseph Déjacque, À bas les chefs! Écrits libertaires (1847-1863), La Fabrique, Paris, 2016.
  10. Ignaz Paul Vital Troxler, quoted by Albert Béguin, L’Âme romantique et le Rêve, Éditions des Cahiers du Sud, Marseille, 1937.

Two video recorded interviews with Annie Le Brun (in french) …

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