Anarchist News

Spain, Madrid : ATM burnt in solidarity with the anarchist comrade convicted in Germany for expropriating a bank

via act for freedom now!

The early morning of April 11 a Bankia ATM in Vallekas (Madrid), on Carlos Martín Álvarez street and painted in solidarity with the comrade.

The attack justifies itself: banks are one of the main engines of state society and capitalism. The investments in prisons, juvenile centres or arms industries; grant credit to companies and states; evict and speculate with the housing, complicity with gentrifying processes among others many responsibilities in the gears of capitalism, give good proof of that … The banking system throughout its network has always been one of the greatest enemies of the exploited, and therefore, of the Anarchists, as exemplified in expropriations and sabotage which have accompanied the anarchist struggle throughout its history.

Against the submissive leftist panorama (that reaches libertarian environments) that uncritically adds itself to controlled, civic and citizen protest, is clamouring for the freedom of dirty police and politicians in full catharsis of citizenist nationalism and many others swimming in the self-complacency of victimization in social networks, we are not renouncing attack.

This small show of solidarity serves as an expression of affection and encouragement for Lisa and for the rest of anarchist comrades retaliated by the State, in Italy, Greece, France, Germany, Turkey, Chile, Mexico, Russia and around the world.

Solidarity is attack!

Strength to Lisa!

Long live anarchy!



A 2018 May Day Call for the Triangle, NC


The following is a call for decentralized May Day actions and events in North Carolina.

We (1) address this call to any and all abolitionists, anti-capitalists, angry workers, anarchists, inside and outside agitators, daytime dreamers and nighttime ne’r-do-wells. After several ongoing conversations and the most recent triangle autonomous assembly, we are proposing a series of decentralized daytime actions on May Day, prior to folks converging at the 6pm march starting at the new DPD HQ.

You could picket a shitty restaurant that has screwed you or your coworkers, drop a banner over a highway overpass, make a scene at the office of a real estate company profiting off of gentrification, flyer the names of people killed by the Durham jail, host a call-in day for a political prisoner needing extra support, or a hundred other ideas.

Days like May Day are a time for finding new accomplices, new tactics, and new ideas–think of it as practice, or as a very old, now very dead comrade once said, “revolutionary gymnastics.” So start talking with your friends, comrades, local organizations, etc., and make a plan! And by all means, take a pic, write a statement, and (safely!) blast it out in whatever social media avenues you have available. News throughout the day will be available on twitter via @NC_autonomy.

See you on the first of May!
-(1) some @ccomplices


Bringing The ZAD Back Home: A Video Series

From It's Going Down

The first episode in a series by The Cinema Committee which looks at La ZAD, or the Zone to Defend, in France.

In the early morning of Monday, April 9, 2018, the current invasion of the ZAD began. This land-occupation near the village of Notre-Dames-des-Landes is still under siege after nine days of tear gas, concussion grenades, drones, clubs, tanks, and attack dogs. Like the famous French children’s song, the imperial assault began on a “Lundi matin” and continued every day of the week until the following Monday when it started all over again. This is now the second week of the siege.

In the original lyrics of the children’s song, the emperor, the empress, and the prince come to put “you” in a pinch every day of the week but luckily “you” are never there. The emperor of this little song was based on Napoleon III, the disease-ridden tyrant who ruled over France until his disastrous war with Prussia. Thanks to his idiocy and egotism, the city of Paris was surrounded by the invading army and within a year the autonomous Commune had forced the Republican government to flee the city. The current situation is much different than it was in 1871 and hopefully it ends with victory rather than bloodshed. In no uncertain terms, what is being fought for at the ZAD is the earth itself. Unlike the Paris Commune with its delusions about the citizen, the state school, money, and government, this epic battle in the hedgerows is being fought to free the land from the capitalist economy, not compromise with it.

Our own personal time in the ZAD was far too brief and yet long enough to linger in our minds forever. Like those who’ve visited Chiapas or Rojava, the ZAD is one of the few places on the planet where capitalist time and its market relations have been abolished. Living a communal life free from economic constraints is a visceral experience that makes even the longest work-vacation seem like a sick joke. Nothing is more infectious and viral than the experience of a life worth living. It’s powerful enough that thousands of people have spent the past week fighting for it on the moorland of Notres-Dames-des-Landes where there have been over 100 serious injuries.

On this Wednesday, April 18, three representatives of the ZAD met with the French state and reasserted their demand that the entire zone be held in common by the inhabitants. As could be expected, the state refused this demand once again and insisted that each parcel must be individually claimed by a private owner no later than April 23. Should the inhabitants of the ZAD refuse to sign their names on these individuals contracts, the French state will order another round of evictions and destroy the remaining 70 structures. This cannot be allowed to happen.

To help spread awareness of this beautiful zone, we are releasing a series of videos that document this battle to save the ZAD. Each one is formatted as a self-contained episode and will cover the various aspects of this struggle. They are meant to be circulated across North America and will be released until the siege has been broken. This first episode covers the first two days of the eviction and weaves together footage from a variety of sources. As could be expected, the mainstream media outside of France is hardly covering this historic event and it’s up to us to disseminate news of the ZAD. We wish everyone good luck between the hedgerows and hope you all stay free. Keep up the good fight and know we are all with you across the ocean. Let’s bring the ZAD back home!

With love and affection,

-The Cinema Committee


The Unquiet Dead Ch4 – AudioZine

From Resonance Audio Distro

The Unquiet Dead: Anarchism, Fascism, and Mythology. Chapter 4. The White Goddess: Essentialism and the Land – by anonymous –

1. MP3     
ReadPrint ArchiveTorrentYouTube
Chapter three of this multipart series discusses appropriation and essentialism in white feminist spirituality and/or white environmentalist circles. The full text is available at; we will be posting recordings of other chapters in the future.

“I have felt troubled for some time over some white feminist practice and advocacy of essentialist ‘nature spiritualities.’ This tendency is certainly not limited to feminists, but I find it most upsetting as it is performed by them—the political deployment of a belief structure under the premise of sisterhood can be insidious. If we are against fascism, we must ask in what ways we are replicating its themes in our struggle for freedom, and how may we fight that tendency. I write not as part of a relentless drift towards inertia, the enforcement of identity politics that prevents movement; rather, I want to examine the real friction present between white feminists and those they are trying to save. Essentialism has poisoned our common well for too long.”

Musical interludes – Sleater-Kinney – Stay Where You Are

“When the Goddess becomes a white woman, is She any less terrifying than the Christian God—and if so, is that not a reaffirmation of essentialist misogyny? How can we approach issues of gender, race, spirituality and the “natural world” without reinforcing the oppressive constructs inherent in each? How can white people show real solidarity to those with marginalized histories, the kind of solidarity that changes our mutual present? How can people of color engaged in resistance to white supremacy and efforts towards self-actualization be recognized in ways that do not prop up racial difference or assimilationist enclosure?”

You can also listen to the Cyborg Manifesto, which is discussed in this text.


The Hotwire #27: April 18, 2018

From CrimethInc.

Legal victory for the Tarnac 9—calls for May Day actions—Vive la ZAD!

Rate us on iTunes and let us know what you think, or send us an email to

Listen to the Episode



It’s been a week of battle at La ZAD, and we share a day-to-day play-by-play of the resistance to the government’s eviction operation. Elsewhere in France, the Tarnac Nine’s legal victory shows that with a little luck and courage, we can beat the state. Direct action gets the goods for a university occupation against a racist student body president at Texas State University in San Marcos, we finally have an address where you can write Cedar, who is in jail on charges of conspiracy over the anti-gentrification prole stroll in Hamilton, Ontario, and we close the episode by sharing calls for May Day actions in Los Angeles, Eugene, Portland, Olympia, and Seattle.

Notes and Links


Position of the Legal Team about the militia actions on the ZAD

Last Tuesday morning, March 20th, 5 people with ski masks, armed with baseball bats and pepper spray entered a squat on the ZAD. They beat the people present, and took one of them, hogtied, with duct tape over his eyes and mouth. They put him in the trunk of a car and left. Further on, they beat him again, breaking an arm and a leg, before abandoning him on the sidewalk in front of the psychiatric hospital.

His "error" was to have acted concretely against a State sponsored project, in a way which wasn't aligned with the dominant strategy of the movement. That strategy being to invite the regional head of police, cops, and politicians onto the ZAD to negotiate with them.

We are long past the phase of trying to say nicely to certain groups that they are going too far, that they should put themselves into question, etc. We also find it just as problematic that there has been hardly anyone taking public position after this disgusting operation by some wannabe cops. In comparison, when some journalists invited by the ACIPA (local liberal group against the airport) got hit with a bit of compost, a bakery went on strike, the general assemblies had to change meeting place, people had their internet cut off, etc.

One part of the movement wants to win points with the State by doing the work of the police. They are giving offerings that they think the will motivate the State to give them presents in return. This repressive operation shows that no matter where repression comes from, it comes down to the same thing:

Punishing those who get in the way, threatening those who could. Taking advantage of police impunity by being part of dominant groups, better organized, and with more resources. Defending the interests of the State and privileged citizens with violence and rapports de force.

A lot of different individuals can be threatening to power, but repression is adapted to social class. People who are well connected, well liked, won't end up in the hospital- just have pressure put on them, insults, humiliation... But for someone who's more vulnerable. They are reproducing repression, even in its classist aspect. And even worse, the victim is put on trial that very evening in the general assembly of the movement.

By leaving the person in front of the mental hospital, the able-ist component is added. The psychiatric hospital is the place for the people who are bothersome. Either the people who did it didn't care about the risk he would be forcibly hospitalized, for example if he had had prior time spent in mental health facilities, or it would have made it easier to get him out of the way.

Reactionary forces in all their splendor. The crazy part is that there are still people who pretend that on the ZAD we try to organize without police or the justice system. That here is a "Commune", that here we're revolutionary.

For the legal team, this act represents what we've always fought against. We would like to make a reminder that a movement of struggle is not sheltered from relationships of inequality or oppression, even in their most violent expressions. We invite you to reflect and act, to avoid that in other struggles certain people take control to re-establish the power of dominant classes, and of the State.

-the legal team
-copains des bois


Anarchy Radio 04-17-2018


Elijah sits in. State of Global Air study: over 98% breathe unsafe air as civilization poisons the planet. The Disconnect - "Join us on Twitter"(!) Singer The Weekend: death and decay in society at Coachella. This Land of Strangers by Bob Hall: epidemic aloneness with mass migration to online "life." 5G iphones: a massive radiation upgrade. Action briefs.


Miguel Amorós interviewed

From Libcom

Miguel Amorós interviewed by Rubén Martín for El Informador (Guadalajara)

A March 2018 interview in which Miguel Amorós discusses his anti-development concepts, the global trend towards mega-urbanization, the destructive tendencies of capitalist development, Latin American populist governments and their social basis, the civil society movement, and perspectives for a movement to create a better world.

Miguel Amorós interviewed by Rubén Martín for El Informador (Guadalajara, Mexico—November 2017)

According to Amorós, many of the changes that are supposedly taking place, only seem to be taking place. For this anarchist theoretician, society is confronted by a situation that requires the dismantling of the entire capitalist system in order to create new ways of relating to one another.

Listening to and reading the works of the libertarian thinker Miguel Amorós, allow direct access to the most lucid and radical critical thought; the experience is like being on the receiving end of a hail of hammer blows against beliefs and assumptions that purport to question modern society. Amorós repeatedly dismantles positions that claim to be critical of capitalism: sustainable development, de-growth, the alternative based on the workers movement, not to speak of the “civil society” platforms or the weak thought that arose from postmodernism—none of them, according to him, leads to a way out of the capitalist catastrophe. Modern capitalist society is a machine that produces harmful phenomena from which it is only possible to escape by dismantling the whole system and creating other social relations.

Amorós says that a subversive movement capable of bringing about revolutionary changes must have an anti-development, anti-state, de-industrializing and autonomous orientation. The big cities must undergo de-urbanization; the contemporary metropolis is a territory that produces “accumulations of solitary masses” who want security, but are incapable of winning freedom. The subjects of this possible revolutionary transformation will no longer be the working class masses and their allies, but those who have been marginalized by the State and capital, as well as the traditional peasantry and the indigenous communities of the world.

The critique that Amorós offers is a total critique of capitalist modernity, and this critique has its roots in libertarian thought, in the unorthodox theoreticians of the left, in the contributions of those who are critical of the capitalist technological system, in the Situationist International, and particularly in his own past and his participation in the struggles of the Spanish workers during the late 1970s, as well as in the anti-nuclear and environmentalist movements; the synthesis of these factors took shape in the Encyclopedia of Nuisances collective, in which Amorós participated with Jaime Semprun, among other militant thinkers, during the early 1980s.

The ideas of this Spanish anarchist historian and militant, who was born in Alcoy, Alicante, in 1949, fell like seeds on fertile soil when Amorós visited Guadalajara this past November, under the auspices of the Cátedra Jorge Alonso, co-sponsored by the University of Guadalajara and CIESAS [Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social—Center for Advanced Studies and Research in Social Anthropology]. His most recent book, Contra la nocividad. Anarquismo, antidesarrollismo, revolución [Against Nuisances. Anarchism, Anti-Development, Revolution], was published by Grietas Editores, affiliated with the Centro Social Ruptura of Guadalajara, on the occasion of his visit.


Rubén Martín (RM): You have said that we live in a world dominated by the crisis of “industrial-development oriented society”. How is this crisis manifested?

Miguel Amorós (MA): In the latest phase, the crisis is global; it is manifested on every level: it is an economic crisis, an energy crisis, an environmental crisis, a demographic crisis, a crisis of culture, a political crisis…. That is, it is a multifarious crisis. It has various facets. It is generalized.

RM: You have also said that modern capitalist society has become a producer of things that are harmful. Could you elaborate on this?

MA: Look, the alleged benefit conferred by the commodity always has another side, its concealed harmful effect, and harmfulness is always the dark side of the commodity. What happens is that, at a particular moment of capitalist development, the productive forces become destructive forces, or they are more destructive than productive, and this is when the harmfulness becomes manifest. Harmfulness was our translation of an English neologism adapted to French, nuisance, which means anything that is harmful, bothersome, irritating. Harmfulness means: the harmful effects on the natural environment, on the human personality, on the way we live together, on cities….

RM: The destruction of social bonds….

MA: Yes, that is a clear instance of harm; so is the bureaucratization of the world, the development of nuclear power, and especially everything that is harmful to our health. But ultimately harmfulness is a broad concept that was used precisely to characterize the principal feature of modern production.

RM: What kinds of harmful conditions are produced by the modern capitalist mega-city?

MA: The world we live in is in the process of becoming 100% urban, that is, the whole population is being concentrated in urban systems, in megalopolises. Like Shanghai. It’s an enormous metropolitan region, no one knows where it ends; or Mexico City, or Tokyo, or Sao Paolo. The cities are constantly growing, they are no longer cities: they are non-cities, instead; the more or less collective kind of life that they once made possible has disappeared. More than ever before, they are gigantic machines that waste energy, squander food, and require an enormous supply network for everything; at the same time, however, they are the perfect places to conduct business. In global capitalism a city that has fewer than 100,000 inhabitants is not viable, economically it is a wreck. Then these small cities become satellites of other, larger, cities. You can no longer speak of a city within 40 kilometers of a metropolis, for example, here, in Guadalajara, let’s take as an example, El Salto; look, it’s a city in which the sociability that once existed, no longer exists, there is no social fabric. There is an accumulation of solitary masses. There is atomization, and along with atomization the typical psychological effects are produced: people get sick, the absence of communication gives rise to psychoses, neuroses, depression. There has been a dramatic increase in the incidence of this kind of illness. And then there is industrial food: now we know what food additives contain, detergents, the new kinds of gasoline, the new fuels, because we breathe them, we eat them, and then we pay for it with cardiovascular disease and cancer. In the not-so-distant future almost everyone in the “developed” world will die of cancer, of a heart attack or from a stroke, when they don’t die in car accidents or take their own lives. This is the death sentence that has been proclaimed against us.

RM: And, because the cities are privileged spaces for accumulation and private profit, can they also be privileged spaces for emancipation and freedom?

MA: No, the city as it currently exists cannot be a space of freedom. A space of freedom is a space that is capable of self-government, of exercising autonomy; its minimum condition is that the people who live in that space are acquainted with each other and interact with each other. This does not happen in a large city, but it was once true of the neighborhoods of the cities, and that is why the working class cannot be understood as a class unless one also takes into account its life in its various neighborhoods. Today, low-income neighborhoods still preserve a community spirit—even if it is strictly oriented towards survival, and not always. But, in general, the way people behave in a big city is totally anonymous and isolated. What is being produced is a lack of empathy, that is, a total indifference towards other people. If you see someone suffering, it makes no difference to you. You don’t suffer with that other person. This is a new phenomenon. Human beings are characterized by humanity, and empathy was the form this humanity assumed: when you see pain, you feel pity. Today the law of the jungle rules: it’s not a class war, it’s a war of all against all. This is not what happens in communities, quite the contrary, but this is just what is happening in today’s cities. Not a hundred percent, and of course not to the same extent in Latin American cities as in European cities or as in Japan, where it is even worse. Phenomena associated with anomie of this type are becoming more widespread, more intense, and this makes a city that is, from the standpoint of physical and mental health, unviable. This sensation of suffocation, of loneliness, is not experienced in the rural areas, it is experienced in the cities.

RM: Politically, this has an enormous impact, because this absence of empathy and bonds facilitates the work of domination.

MA: That’s right. Look, those who are lonely are afraid. They value security, not freedom. They only know a private, atomized life; they cannot even imagine a public, collective life that is really lived in common and is based on solidarity.

RM: What do you think about the series of progressive governments in Latin America in the early 2000s?

MA: Capitalist development was impossible under the traditional oligarchy; so these populist governments guaranteed the survival and development of capitalism, which they made compatible with a certain amount of investment in the welfare of the popular classes, which have been the beneficiaries, within capitalism, of more government social programs, financial assistance, education, healthcare, etc. The State and its social services were modernized to conform with the prevailing capitalist standards. The oligarchy could not have done this. This new autocratic caste, when it is in power, divides and controls the popular classes by co-opting their representatives, and then it becomes a civil service-technocratic caste, which is the leading caste of these progressive countries, oriented towards capitalist development, and which really lives on exports—like the others, the old oligarchy. But they aren’t exporting coffee or beef: hell, they’re exporting minerals, wood pulp, fuels, soybeans, etc. It is an extractivist caste that is playing the same role that the oligarchic bourgeoisie of the past once played, but, except for Venezuela, with better results. The political model of the old oligarchy had become obsolete, so this caste opted for this approach. This political caste furthered the modernization of Latin American capitalism.

RM: In response to the failure of liberalism and of the orthodox/vanguardist left, purportedly civil-society oriented political tendencies have emerged. You have criticized them. Why?

MA: The economic development promoted by extractivism (the intensive exploitation of the territory) increased the buying power of certain sectors of the population; it eradicated—or mostly eradicated—hunger; it created, or actually expanded, the middle class. A middle class that, above all, was derived from the bureaucratization of the state, from the civil service, from the public employees of large enterprises and banks, etc. While this middle class accounts for between 30 and 35 percent of the working population in Latin America, in Europe it is 80 percent. Here the middle class is still small, it is still developing, and is on the side of the popular classes. This middle class is populist. It is not conservative, like its counterparts in France and Germany, for example. This middle class is leftist. Of course, its leftism is a lie. The middle class is never really leftist, it does not want any kind of revolution, it does not even want a profound change within the present system. What it wants is to preserve its level of buying power, so that it will not be affected by the current crises as it was by the mortgage crises, the crises of the real estate sector, and the bank crises in Europe. The solution based on neoliberal policies condemned these intermediate sectors to starvation, as in the time of the rise of the Nazis, when the impoverished middle classes formed the base of the fascist party. This is the base of the new social democratic parties, the ones that I call “civil society” parties, because they speak a language that has nothing to do with proletarian language, with classes, with socialism, with expropriation, with self-management: they don’t use that kind of language.

RM: With respect to the case of Podemos, in Spain, you have said that “instead of changing everything, they have reinforced everything”. That is, they have instilled a breath of fresh air of legitimacy into the political system.

MA: Yes, they criticized the system on television, but they have gone on to become part of that system and they are proving it. What Podemos is doing—and this is what Syriza [in Greece] is doing, and what the Portuguese left coalition and Mélenchon in France are doing—is striking poses and demobilizing. The core group of Podemos is Stalinist, but quite a few of its new militants are unemployed professionals who come from the neighborhood movements, the movement against evictions, activism “lite”, moderate environmentalism….

RM: From the movement of May 15, 2011?

MA: No, 15M was students protesting because they were going straight from school to the unemployment line. The protesters in 15M were complaining because the parties did not represent them, they wanted a party that would represent them. Podemos presented itself as their party, the party of the citizens, of those who prefer casting a vote to engaging in struggle, but all it did was to simply entrench itself in the pseudo-parliamentary regime, attracting all the adventurers who were on the rebound from the other parties, including anarchists. Generally, they followed the course of accommodation. Now they have advanced from fighting against the political caste to fighting only against the right-wing party, the People’s Party; now they are themselves part of the political caste.

RM: What is the basis of radical critical thought in these grim times?

MA: There is no shortage of ideas. We have a lot of ideas, not only the classics—Fourier, Mikhail Bakunin, Karl Marx, Peter Kropotkin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Landauer, Rosa Luxemburg, Anton Pannekoek, Karl Korsch, Georg Lukacs—there is a long list of anarchist, socialist and Marxist thinkers who have played a role, and I am not saying that all of their work is directly applicable today, but they have formed a part of this emancipatory thought, in a way, so to speak, that connected the working class with reality.

RM: And the contradictions, the social conflict, the class struggle….

MA: Sure, the contradictions and so on. When the social movement was in decline, thought did not disappear. It continued in two directions: one, artistic, by way of expressionism, Dadaism, surrealism, situationism (the last of the great vanguards); and on the side of sociological critique and philosophy, the Frankfurt School, Lewis Mumford and the whole American school of urban planning, Günther Anders and Walter Benjamin, philosophers and thinkers who have appeared, who have been concealed, and who are not classifiable in schools, like Jacques Ellul, who is very important for the analysis of technology and its function. We certainly possess enough theoretical resources to educate ourselves sufficiently. The problem is that these people are thinkers whose work remained isolated from a workers movement that was too weak to appropriate it and use it. A few anthropologists, like Marcel Mauss and Pierre Clastres, carried out major reevaluations of the experiences of the indigenous peoples. But what is lacking is a unitary view. These ideas evolved in isolated institutions, they was disconnected from the social movements. The social movements have been colonized by the obsolete ideas of a previous era: by doctrinaire anarchism, by Leninism, by Stalinism, by nationalism, ideologies that are dead but that force, that make the movements more pragmatic and also more sectarian when the time comes to define themselves.

RM: A contemporary revolutionary project should no longer posit the working class as the central subject. “Today the worker is the basis of capital, not of its negation”: these are your own words. What would a revolution look like? If such a thing is possible.

MA: Look, I think that there are subversive elements; I won’t say revolutionary elements, because there is no revolution without consciousness, and it will take a long time for the masses to arrive at a way of thinking that is presently far removed from them. What is lacking is the mediating organizations, debates, publications, speakers, journalists, writers; we still need educational thought, and, above all, we need readers and organizers who won’t let themselves be bought. But it is clear that there are two factors that must be taken into account for the creation of a revolutionary subject that would take shape in a separate world within this world: those who have been excluded from the labor market, or the self-marginalized; those who, although they have not been excluded, abandon the labor market and choose to live on the margins; and the non-industrialized peasant classes. The traditional peasant classes, not just indigenous peoples, but also homesteaders or settlers, those who till land in common, or simply farmers, the landless, or those with land, with only a little land … they are the fulcrum of the defense of the territory, the class struggle of the 21st century.

RM: They are your revolutionary subjects, but what contents will a radical revolutionary project have at the present time?

MA: I would use the word orientation, rather than contents. A revolutionary, anti-development movement must have a decolonizing orientation, it will have to be directed towards the locality, it will have to have an anti-statist, de-industrializing and autonomous orientation. That is, it must reinforce, during this phase, a horizontal, integral society in the sense that all activities will form part of a whole (politics, economics, education, culture…). Therefore horizontal, autonomous, integrated, fraternal, balanced, egalitarian, anti-patriarchal and decentralized.

RM: Are you optimistic with respect to the possibilities of achieving these goals, despite the barbarism within which we are now immersed?

MA: There are people who are optimistic. I am inclined to think that there are collectives that are susceptible to moving in this direction. Of course, when you talk about resettlement, de-industrializing, ruralizing or de-urbanizing in an abstract sense, it’s hard to make yourself understood. And I don’t say that the change will take place overnight, but simply point towards an orientation: we should move in the direction of reestablishing an equilibrium between the cities and the countryside, dismantling the urban agglomerations, industries, extensive distribution networks—this would imply alternative types of production and supply—means of mass communication, repressive and judicial apparatuses, administrative bodies…. These are processes that are contrary to the prevailing dynamic, and they will take place during a period of transition, because capitalism has destroyed so much, that rebuilding an equitable society in freedom, without a Market and without a State, will be a very costly endeavor.

Interview published online on March 1, 2018

Translated in March-April 2018 from a copy of the Spanish original obtained from Miguel Amorós.

A copy of the Spanish text is available online at:


Lecce, Italy – On the latest night against TAP: and updates on free comrade Saverio now!

via act for freedom now!

In the night between 10th and 11th April the TAP began to prepare the bases for the extension of the work along the 8 kilometres of track between the thrust shaft tunnel located in San Basilio and the area designated for the reception terminal. In the early hours of the night, therefore, about forty TAP opponents gathered together.

Antiriot police and Digos were already lined up in great numbers to guarantee the transit of the vehicles carrying more tons of cement barriers. The vehicles came up against several blocks in the middle of the main road, with placing and throwing of stones to slow down police charges against the demonstrators.

The long night of struggle continued between the provincial road and the entrance to Melendugno, until another police charge resulted in the arrest of two female comrades and a male comrade. After identification, the latter was the only one to be held and be taken to the police station where he was put under arrest. The charges the local press is squawking about are resistance, violence, aggravated bodily harm, dangerous throwing of objects and violation of an order banning him from the municipality of Melendugno.

Saverio is now locked up in the Lecce prison, where in the afternoon of Wednesday 11 a large number of people in solidarity gathered shouting anger and love for our comrade, in a demo animated by music, chants, amplified greetings and fireworks.

More intense days will follow, the military occupation of TAP in Salento is stepping up, police fury is getting more and more asphyxiating. Our strength must spill out no holds barred. At the same time solidarity with Saverio is fundamental, his tenacity beats strong in the heart of our struggle, which will never be defeated by the State’s intimidations.

No enclosure, block or cell will ever stop our opposition.


UPDATE: Saverio under house arrest

The hearing of the summary procedure trial against Saverio ended a few hours ago with a postponment to 19th April. During the hearing a conspicuous group of comrades and people in solidarity waited for [Saverio] to come out to shout warm greetings.

We then learned that our comrade is to be put under house arrest with restrictions, in his home in the province of Lecce.

Posted on 2018/04/12 by Comunella Fastidiosa

Translated by act for freedom now!


Canada, Hamilton Community Defence Fund

via act for freedom now

Fundraising for legal defence in Hamilton in the wake of conspiracy charges.

To Donate via e-transfer, please contact

In the early morning hours of Friday, April 6th, police raided a home associated with some of those involved with organizing The Hamilton Anarchist Bookfair and The Tower. The door was kicked in, a flash grenade was thrown into the house, and a full SWAT team entered with assault rifles drawn. Three people were detained, and one person was arrested.

Cedar, our cherished friend, a solid comrade, and well-known local anarchist organizer, was arrested and charged with conspiracy to commit an indictable offence (unlawful assembly while masked) in relation to the so-called “Locke St. Riot”. Conspiracy charges are notoriously ambiguous and have a long legacy of being used as a tool of political repression – as we have seen recently with the case of the J20 defendants, who were arrested for resisting Trump’s inauguration last January.

After several days of stall tactics from the Crown, Cedar appeared in court on Tuesday, April 10th for a bail hearing. Much to our dismay (and the shock of every lawyer we’ve spoken to), Cedar was denied bail. While we do not use this term lightly, the court proceedings can only be described as a political witch-hunt. In the end Cedar was, in part, denied bail because of their self-affirmed and proud anarchist politics. Until the bail hearing is appealed, Cedar will remain in jail.

This will likely be a long and costly legal battle, and we’re going to need help to fundraise in order to cover all of the associated costs. We love Cedar and can’t stand the idea of him remaining locked in a cage. Whatever amount you can spare, however big or small, would be greatly appreciated.

Was my information productive? If so, you can contribute to keep receiving valuable information about the system at Looking for an advertisement free experience?

Test drive a FREE 7 day trial, of one of the available monthly revolutionary subscriptions.

About Author Aaron J. Berg

Aaron J. Berg is the creator of Reality UnKnown, host of the Reality UnKnown podcast, and blogger at He started blogging and speaking against the system back in 2009. Now he blogs, podcasts, and produces video content for your benefit.

Leave a Reply